History of Yuan, chapter 209: monograph on An Nam (元史安南傳•卷209)
Introduction
Almost all the materials that are related to the war between Dai Viet and Yuan dynasty have not been translated fully into English. Historical records that are available to Vietnamese readers are restricted to such works as Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư (大越史記全書-Complete Annals of Đại Việt) and Khâm Định Việt Sử Thông Giám Cương Mục (欽定越史通鑑綱目-The Imperially Ordered Annotated Text Completely Reflecting the History of Viet). As a result, the translator is determined to fully translate the chapter 209 of the History of Yuan (元史) that records information about the state of Vietnam in the late 13th and early 14th century. However, this chapter alone does not provide enough details regarding the diplomatic relation and the war between the two countries. The translator therefore is searching for more information from the basic annals and biographies within the History of Yuan to annotate this chapter. Since the publication of the pioneering work "The war against the Yuan-Mongol invasion in the 13th century" by Dr. Hà Văn Tấn (何文晉), no new works have been made on this particular subject. The translator has also compared his translation with Dr.Hà Văn Tấn's to ensure that the meaning of each word and sentence closely matches that of the original Chinese text. Even though the work of Dr. Hà Văn Tấn has a wide influence on the Vietnamese academia, it was written during the Vietnam war, and therefore contained many biases against the war between Đại Việt and the Yuan dynasty. The author sometimes tried to alleviate the defeats of the Trần dynasty and magnified the military setbacks of the Yuan. Even so, we cannot deny the fact this book is the standard and authoratative work in many respects, to which Dr.Hà Văn Tấn has devoted his life. One of the most startling achievement that Dr. Tấn has achieved is the complete transcription of Mongolian, Turkic and Muslim generals, commanders and envoys from classical Chinese into middle Mongolian. I have had a chance to contact Dr. Ihsan Erkoc, who ran the steppe forum (Dr. Erkoc is totally fluent in Turkish and Mongolian), and double check all these names to ensure that Dr. Tấn has correctly transcribed them. As the translator does not have any in-depth knowledge of classical Mongolian, he decided to consult the famed Mongolist Thomas Allsen at Pennsylvania University. The result is that almost all names are transcribed accurately, with only minor defects and uncertainties.
Original text and translations
In ancient times, the kingdom of Annam was Giao Chỉ (交趾). When the Qin dynasty unified all lands under heaven, they established commanderies such as Guilin (桂林), Nanhai (南海) (Southern sea), Xiangjun (象郡). The commandant of Nanhai Zhao Tuo (趙佗) invaded and conquered this region. The Han dynasty established nine commanderies, Giao Chỉ is one of them. After that, a woman named Trưng Trắc (徵側) rebelled. The Han court sent Ma Yuan (馬援) to crush her. He built a copper pillar to demarcate the territory of the Han. The Tang dynasty began to divide Lingnan into East and West circuits, established..., entitled..., An Nam is among them. The Song dynasty bestowed the title Commandery prince of Giao Chỉ on Đinh Bộ Lĩnh (丁部領). His son (Đinh Liễn-丁璉) was also a prince. After inheriting that title for three generations, Lý Công Uẩn (李公蘊) (an outsider to the Định clan) seized it. Thus he was appointed as their prince. Within the Lý clan, the title was passed through eight generations to Ngô Hạo (昊旵). As such, that kingdom belonged to him.
2.元憲宗三年癸丑，兀良合台從世祖平大理。世祖還，留兀良合台攻諸夷之未附者。七年丁巳十一月，兀良合台兵次交趾北，先遣使二人往諭之，不返，乃遣徹徹都等 各將千人，分道進兵，抵安南京北洮江上，復遣其子阿朮往為之援，并覘其虛實。交人亦盛陳兵衛。阿朮遣軍還報，兀良合台倍道兼進，令徹徹都為先鋒，阿朮居後為殿。十二月，兩軍合，交人震駭。阿朮乘之，敗交人水軍，虜戰艦以還。兀良合台亦破其陸路兵，又與阿朮合擊，大敗之，遂入其國。日煚竄海島。得前所遣使於 獄中，以破竹束體入膚，比釋縛，一使死，因屠其城。國兵留九日，以氣候鬱熱，乃班師。復遣二使招日煚來歸。日煚還，見國都皆已殘毀，大發憤，縛二使遣還。
In the third year (1253) of the reign of Möngkä Qa'an. (元憲宗-Yuan Xianzong ), Uryangqadai (兀良合台 - Wuliang Getai- Ngột Lương Hợp Thai) accompanied Qubilai Qa'an (元世祖 - Yuan Shizu - Nguyên Thế Tổ ) to pacify the Dali kingdom. As Qubilai Qa'an (1) returned (to China), he left Uryangqadai the task of attacking any barbarians that had not submitted (to the Mongol authority). In the seven year (1257), November, Uryangqadai attacked the northern part of Giao Chỉ. He first sent two envoys to apprise them. They did not return. Thus he sent Čäkčäkdu (徹徹都- Chechedu - Triệt Triệt Đô), each commanded one thousand men, to advance in different routes, reaching the Thao river (洮江) north of the capital of Annam. Uryangqadai sent his son Aǰu (阿朮) to reinforce Čäkčäkdu, at the same time assigned him the task of inspecting the situation. The Giao people (Vietnamese) also arrayed in battle formation in large numbers. Aǰu sent a scout to report back. He then divided his forces into two groups and advanced. He (Uryangqadai) commanded Čäkčäkdu to lead the vanguard, while Aǰu followed him as the rear of the army. In december, the two army groups met each other. The Giao people were frightened (by their appearance). Aǰu seized the opportunity to defeat their naval force and took many fleets before returning. Uriangkhadai also broke their land force. He joined force with Aǰu to defeat them. Thus they entered the capital (of An Nam). Nhật Cảnh escaped to an island. They rescued the two envoys that were sent before, but they (the Mongols) discovered that they (the two envoys) were bound with broken bamboo stems, that were tied so deep that the stem had sunk into their skin.(1) One envoy died thereafter. For this reason, they massacred the whole city. The army stationed there for nine days. They retreated due to the hot weather. They sent again two envoys to ask Nhật Cảnh to come to submit. Nhật Cảnh returned (to his capital) and saw that the whole city had been razed, he was so enraged that he bounded the two envoys and sent them back.(2)(3)(4)
Commentary 1: History of Yuan, chapter 121, biography of Uryangqadai and Annan Zhilue (安南志略) record this battle in more details, I wish to translate them here:
the (1) Thank you Dr. Shao-Yun Yang for offering the translation of this sentence.
(2) Supplement 1: History of Yuan chapter 121 - biography of Uryangqadai:
(3) The authors Nguyễn Việt, Võ Minh Giang and Nguyễn Mạnh Hùng who wrote the book "The (Vietnamese) navy in the history of wars against foreign invasion" presents their opinion as followed:
"It must be admitted that Uryangqadai is very sharp and cunning, for which he deserves to be mention in the "Exhortation to the military officers" (Dụ chư tì tướng hịch văn 諭諸裨將檄文) by Trần Hưng Đạo. He could immediately spot the crucial aspect of the strategy of the enemy just after confronting them for the first time. He highly prioritized the task of capturing the boats, so much so that Čäkčäkdu was so fearful that he commited suicide with poision. Although Mongols was able to pierce through the formation of the Trần army, they did not successfully capture the boats of the enemy, which made them lose the war as a whole. The actual cause of this is not the thirst for fighting of Čäkčäkdu, but due to the fact that Uryangqadai could not imagine that the Vietnamese carefully guarded their boats and put up a stiff fight. Surely, it must be that the Trần troops were prepared to prevent the Mongols from taking their boats. As such, the overall battle plan of this specific battle is very typical in the age of Lý and Trần dynasty."
The above authors also cited a passage containing the conversation between Hưng Hiếu Vương and the Trần king Trần Hiến Tông, recorded in the Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư, that emphasizes the importance of boat guards (or defenders):
興孝對曰：「如無守舟，軍中或聞賊已獲舟，軍士能堅守乎。」
Hưng Hiếu Vương answered that "Without the boat guards, if the soldiers hear that the enemy has taken their boats, could they still have a heart to fight."
Commentary 2: When we compare details from the chapter on Annam with the biography of Uryangqadai, there exists one contradiction. Uryangqadai saw that two envoys sent earlier were bounded by broken bamboo stems, one of them died. After that he ordered the massacre of the whole population in Thăng Long. How could it be mentioned otherwise that Uryangqadai strictly restrained his soldiers from looting and massacring the population. (The original Chinese idiom is 秋毫無犯).
Commentary 3: What Uryangqadai did is completely common with the Mongol warfare established by Cinghis Khan. Before attacking any citadels (or cities), they would try to persuade the defenders to surrender. If they refuse to do so, they would massacre the whole population inside the cities after successfully occupy it. The prime examples of this strategy is when the Mongols massacred the population of Otrar, Bukhara, Samarqand, etc. during the campaign against the Khwarezmshah. Only Herat was spared since they submitted immdiately. This is also the first time the capital Thăng Long is heavily damaged by invaders since Ngô Quyền firmly establishing the independence of Giao Chỉ-An Nam.
When an envoy sent by Mongols are arrested and killed, this is an official declaration of war. The war between the Mongols and the Khwarezmshah broke out because the offcial who overlooks Otrar killed the envoy and the caravan sent by Cinghis Khan. This official did so only because he suspected that they were spies (and that may be likely the case). This causes the wrath that wipes out the entire Islamic world.
On the cause of war of the Mongols, the Mongolist Christopher Atwood mentioned as followed:
"Despite their reputation as insatiable conquerors, the Mongols themselves believed that all their campaigns had a clear justification. For Chinggis Khan in particular, war was a personal vendetta against willfully defiant rulers. After his unification of Mongolia, all Chinggis Khan's campaigns were justified in one of three ways: I) avenging past attacks by the enemy on Chinggis's ancestors; 2) punishing those who gave refuge to defeated enemies of the Mongols; and 3) punishing those who executed Mongol envoys."
(Christopher Atwood, Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire, printed in 2004)
The fact that the Trần dynasty imprisioned the envoys and that killed one of them is an official declaration of war to the Mongols.
(4) Supplement 2: Annan Zhilue Chapter 4, Conquest and supply transportation:
In the third year (1253) of the reign of Möngkä Qa'an. (元憲宗-Yuan Xianzong ), Uryangqadai (兀良合台 - Wuliang Getai- Ngột Lương Hợp Thai) accompanied Qubilai Qa'an (元世祖 - Yuan Shizu - Nguyên Thế Tổ ) to pacify the Dali kingdom. As Qubilai Qa'an (1) returned (to China), he left Uryangqadai the task of attacking any barbarians that had not submitted (to the Mongol authority). In the seven year (1257), November, Uryangqadai attacked the northern part of Giao Chỉ. He first sent two envoys to apprise them. They did not return. Thus he sent Čäkčäkdu (徹徹都- Chechedu - Triệt Triệt Đô), each commanded one thousand men, to advance in different routes, reaching the Thao river (洮江) north of the capital of Annam. Uryangqadai sent his son Aǰu (阿朮) to reinforce Čäkčäkdu, at the same time assigned him the task of inspecting the situation. The Giao people (Vietnamese) also arrayed in battle formation in large numbers. Aǰu sent a scout to report back. He then divided his forces into two groups and advanced. He (Uryangqadai) commanded Čäkčäkdu to lead the vanguard, while Aǰu followed him as the rear of the army. In december, the two army groups met each other. The Giao people were frightened (by their appearance). Aǰu seized the opportunity to defeat their naval force and took many fleets before returning. Uriangkhadai also broke their land force. He joined force with Aǰu to defeat them. Thus they entered the capital (of An Nam). Nhật Cảnh escaped to an island. They rescued the two envoys that were sent before, but they (the Mongols) discovered that they (the two envoys) were bound with broken bamboo stems, that were tied so deep that the stem had sunk into their skin.(1) One envoy died thereafter. For this reason, they massacred the whole city. The army stationed there for nine days. They retreated due to the hot weather. They sent again two envoys to ask Nhật Cảnh to come to submit. Nhật Cảnh returned (to his capital) and saw that the whole city had been razed, he was so enraged that he bounded the two envoys and sent them back.(2)(3)(4)
Commentary 1: History of Yuan, chapter 121, biography of Uryangqadai and Annan Zhilue (安南志略) record this battle in more details, I wish to translate them here:
the (1) Thank you Dr. Shao-Yun Yang for offering the translation of this sentence.
(2) Supplement 1: History of Yuan chapter 121 - biography of Uryangqadai:
秋九月，遣使招降交趾，不報。冬十月，進兵壓境。其國主陳日煚，隔江列象騎、步卒甚盛。兀良合台分軍為三隊濟江，徹徹都從下流先濟，大帥居中，駙馬懷都與阿朮在後。仍授徹徹都方略曰：「汝軍既濟，勿與之戰，彼必來逆我，駙馬隨斷其後，汝伺便奪其船。蠻若潰走，至江無船，必為我擒矣。」師既登岸，即縱與戰，徹徹都違命，蠻雖大敗，得駕舟逸去。兀良合台怒曰：「先鋒違我節度，軍有常刑。」徹徹都懼，飲藥死。兀良合台入交趾，為久駐計，軍令嚴肅，秋毫無犯。越七日，日煚請內附，於是置酒大饗軍士。還軍柙赤城。
In the autumn of September, (Uryangqadai) sent an envoy to demanded the submission of Giao Chỉ, yet they (Vietnamese) did not answer to this request. In the winter of October, the army advanced close to their border (of that kingdom). Their king Trần Nhật Cảnh drew up his (war) elephant, cavalries and infantry in battle formation, which were in vast numbers. Uryangqadai divided his army into three groups and crossed the river. Čäkčäkdu followed the downstream and crossed the river first, the main body of the army was in the middle, the prince consort Qaidu (懷都) together with Aǰu led the rear. (Uryangqadai) instructed the following strategy to Čäkčäkdu : "When your army has finished crossing the river, do not immediately engage the enemy, they would surely come for us, the prince consort will cut their escape route, you would easily take their boats. If the barbarians are broken and flee to the river, without boats, they would be taken captive by our army." When army went ashore, they immediately engage the enemy, Čäkčäkdu did not follow the order. Although the barbarians were heavily defeated, they could still escape by boats. Uryangqadai angrily rebuked Čäkčäkdu: "The vanguard did not obey my order, you would surely be punished for this." Čäkčäkdu was fearful, he took a portion of poison and died. (1) Uryangqadai entered Giao Chỉ, he had long-term plans in mind. The army was strictly restrained from looting and massacring. After seven days, Nhật Cảnh asked to submit. For that reason, (Uryangqadai) set up a banquet to reward his soldiers. Then they retreat to the city of Yachi (柙赤).
(3) The authors Nguyễn Việt, Võ Minh Giang and Nguyễn Mạnh Hùng who wrote the book "The (Vietnamese) navy in the history of wars against foreign invasion" presents their opinion as followed:
The above authors also cited a passage containing the conversation between Hưng Hiếu Vương and the Trần king Trần Hiến Tông, recorded in the Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư, that emphasizes the importance of boat guards (or defenders):
興孝對曰：「如無守舟，軍中或聞賊已獲舟，軍士能堅守乎。」
Hưng Hiếu Vương answered that "Without the boat guards, if the soldiers hear that the enemy has taken their boats, could they still have a heart to fight."
Commentary 2: When we compare details from the chapter on Annam with the biography of Uryangqadai, there exists one contradiction. Uryangqadai saw that two envoys sent earlier were bounded by broken bamboo stems, one of them died. After that he ordered the massacre of the whole population in Thăng Long. How could it be mentioned otherwise that Uryangqadai strictly restrained his soldiers from looting and massacring the population. (The original Chinese idiom is 秋毫無犯).
Commentary 3: What Uryangqadai did is completely common with the Mongol warfare established by Cinghis Khan. Before attacking any citadels (or cities), they would try to persuade the defenders to surrender. If they refuse to do so, they would massacre the whole population inside the cities after successfully occupy it. The prime examples of this strategy is when the Mongols massacred the population of Otrar, Bukhara, Samarqand, etc. during the campaign against the Khwarezmshah. Only Herat was spared since they submitted immdiately. This is also the first time the capital Thăng Long is heavily damaged by invaders since Ngô Quyền firmly establishing the independence of Giao Chỉ-An Nam.
When an envoy sent by Mongols are arrested and killed, this is an official declaration of war. The war between the Mongols and the Khwarezmshah broke out because the offcial who overlooks Otrar killed the envoy and the caravan sent by Cinghis Khan. This official did so only because he suspected that they were spies (and that may be likely the case). This causes the wrath that wipes out the entire Islamic world.
On the cause of war of the Mongols, the Mongolist Christopher Atwood mentioned as followed:
"Despite their reputation as insatiable conquerors, the Mongols themselves believed that all their campaigns had a clear justification. For Chinggis Khan in particular, war was a personal vendetta against willfully defiant rulers. After his unification of Mongolia, all Chinggis Khan's campaigns were justified in one of three ways: I) avenging past attacks by the enemy on Chinggis's ancestors; 2) punishing those who gave refuge to defeated enemies of the Mongols; and 3) punishing those who executed Mongol envoys."
(Christopher Atwood, Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire, printed in 2004)
The fact that the Trần dynasty imprisioned the envoys and that killed one of them is an official declaration of war to the Mongols.
(4) Supplement 2: Annan Zhilue Chapter 4, Conquest and supply transportation:
憲宗皇帝癸丑歲，世祖黃帝即立議平雲南。留太帥兀良合解經略。丁巳命大將統師自雲南途經安南邊邑，欲出邕 、桂、會大兵於鄂 ，以征宋。十二月，師上錫弩原，國主陳王，士卒乘象迎。時大師子阿述，年十八，率善射者射其象；象驚奔，反蹂，其衆大潰。翌日，陳王斷扶鹵橋 ，對岸而陣。師欲未淺 。深師欲濟，未測淺深，乃沿江仰空射之。驗箭墮水而不浮者，知為淺處。即以騎兵濟。馬躍登岸。翌日擊，安南兵潰。大軍繼殺萬人，斬其宗子富良侯。陳王乃降。於是班師。明年春，陳王上表納欵臣附，遣使貢方物。
During the reign of Xianzong emperor, the Guichou year (1260), after his enthronement, the emperor Shizu held a discussion on pacifying Yunnan. (The emperor) entrusted the Grand Preceptor Uryangqadai to manage the frontier affairs (1). (The emperor) ordered the... Uryangqadai to crossed the border of An Nam with the intention of reaching Yongzhou (邕), Guizhou (桂), and merged with the main army at Ezhou (鄂) to conquer the Song dynasty. In December, the army arrived at Tích Nỗ Nguyên (錫弩原), their Trần prince led his troops riding on (war) elephants to oppose (our army). At this moment, the Grand Preceptor's son, Aǰu, who were only eighteen, ordered sharpshooters to fired at the elephants. They became panic, turning back and trampling their own (Trần) troops. Their army were dispersed. The next day, the Trần prince cut off the Phù Lỗ (鹵橋) bridge and form up formation on the opposite side of the river. The army wished to cross the river but did not know which parts were shallow and which were deep, so they traveled along the river and shot arrows upwards to the sky. By observing where the arrows fell into the water but did not flow, they knew that those parts were shallow, they sent the cavalry across the river. The horses leaped onto the opposite river bank. The next day they attacked the enemy, and the An Nam army was routed. The main army killed several ten thousands men, decapitating one of their Marquis of Phú Lương. Trần prince surrendered. After that, the army retired. The next year (1261), in spring, the Trần prince submitted a memorial expressing the will to submit (to the Mongol authority) and sent envoys to offered tributes.
(1) Thank you Dr. Yun for helping me to translate the term "經略".
(3) Supplement 3: Annal of Trần, The reign of emperor Trần Nhân Tông:
十二月十二日，元將兀良合䚟〈多改切〉犯平厲源。帝自將督戰，前冒矢石。官軍少却，帝顧左右，惟黎輔陳〈即黎秦〉單騎出入賊陣，顔色自若。時有勸帝駐驛視戰者。輔陳力諫曰：「今陛下特一孤注耳，宜避之，豈可輕信人言哉。」帝於是退次瀘江，輔陳為殿。賊兵亂射，輔陳以舟板翼之，得免。虜勢甚盛，又退保天幕江，從帝議及機密，人鮮有知之者。帝御小舟，就太尉日皎船問計。日皎方靠船，坐不能起，惟以手指點水，寫入宋二字於船舷。帝問星罡軍何在〈星罡日皎所領軍〉，對曰：「徵不至矣。」帝即移舟問太師陳守度。對曰：「臣首未至地，陛下無煩他慮。」
In December the twelfth, the Yuan general Uryangqadai invaded Bình Lệ Nguyên (平厲源). The emperor personally supervised the battle and advanced through arrows and stones. The army was slightly wavering. The emperor looked to the left and right, seeing that only Lê Phụ Trần (Lê Tần) moving back and forth amidst the enemy formation, whose face remain calm as if nothing has happened. At that moment, someone advised the emperor to halt his horse to command the army. Phụ Trần: "Now your Majesty should not commit total force in this battle, we should evade them, how could you so easily trust their advice." The emperor therefore retreat to the Lô river (瀘江), with Phụ Trận guarding the rear. The enemy furiously shot arrows, Phụ Trần used (wooden) plank taken from the boat to shield the emperor, thus he was safe. The enemy force was very powerful, (the emperor) retreated to defend the Thiên Mạc river, Phụ Trần followed him to take counsel on secret matters, very few people knew about it. The emperor rowed his boat to the Grand Commandant (Trần) Nhật Hiệu's boat to consult strategy. Nhật Hiệu leaned on his boat, he could only sit but could not stand. He dipped his finger into the water, and wrote two words "entering Song (here means Song dynasty)" on the sides of the boat. The emperor asked where was the Tỉnh Cương army (the army that Nhật Hiệu commanded), Nhật Hiệu replied that: "They could not come." The emperor then rode to the Grand Preceptor Trần Thủ Độ. Thủ Độ said that: "As long as my head do not fall, Your Majesty do not have to worry about other things."(I)
(I) The inscription written on the epitaph of princess Phụng Dương (奉陽公主神道碑銘) wrote about the Grand Preceptor Trần Thủ Độ as followed:
甲申冬，北虜南寇， 太師上船避賊，夜半舟中失火。時太師睡寢，公主疑是賊來，微警，授之以牌，且以身蔽。古之馮婦，蔑以加此。此公主明於義勇也。
Jiashen winter (1284), the northern enemy invaded the South, the Grand Preceptor (Trần Thủ Độ) board a boat to evade the enemy. Midnight, there was a fire on the boat. At that time the Grand Preceptor was still sleeping, the princess suspected that enemy had come, she silently waked up the Grand Preceptor, handing him a shield and using her body to cover him. The ancient Feng Fu could not do any better than that. This is the courage and righteous action of the princess.
Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư, Annal Trần dynasty, reign of emperor Trần Nhân Tông chép tiếp:
史臣吳士連曰：日皎同姓大臣，冦至怯驛，無扞禦之策，又導其君以出寓之方，將焉用彼相哉。
The historian Ngô Sĩ Liên commented: "Nhật Hiệu bore the same name as the emperor, yet when the enemy came he was so frightened that he could not think of any way to resist the enemy. He even told the emperor to escape, what use would he ever be?"
二十四日，帝及太子御樓船，進軍東步頭逆戰，大破之。元軍遁㱕，至㱕化寨。寨主何俸招集蛮人襲擊，又大破之。時元人新取雲南，游兵畧之，無攻取意，當時謂之仸賊。賊退，賜俸侯爵。
On the twenty-forth day, the emperor and the crown prince rode on tower ships and led the army advance to Đông Bộ Đầu (東步頭) to fight back the enemy. They were defeated. The Yuan army fled to Quy Hóa outpost, their commander Hà Bổng (何俸) gathered his (barbarian) people and attack them, they were defeated again. At that time, the Yuan had only just conquered Yunnan (雲南), their scouting parties just came to raid without having any intention to conquer (our country). They were called buddhist enemy. After the enemy retreated, (the emperor) bestowed the Marquis title on Hà Bổng.
3.八年戊午二月，日煚傳國于長子光昺，改元紹隆。夏，光昺遣其壻與其國人以方物來見，兀良合台送詣行在所，別遣訥剌丁往諭之曰：「昔吾遣使通好，爾等執而不返，我是以有去年之師。以爾國主播在草野，復令二使招安還國，爾又縛還吾使。今特遣使開諭，如爾等矢心內附，則國主親來，若猶不悛，明以報我。」光昺曰：「小國誠心事上，則大國何以待之？」訥剌丁還報。時諸王不花鎮雲南，兀良合台言于王，復遣訥剌丁往諭，使遣使偕來。光昺遂納款，且曰：「俟降德音，卽遣子弟為質。」王命訥剌丁乘傳入奏。
In the eighth year (1258), second month, Nhật Cảnh (日煚) passed the throne to his oldest son Quang Bính (光昺) and changed the reign name to Thiệu Long (紹隆). In the summer, Quang Bính sent his son in law, his (other) countrymen together with a tribute of local products to the court, Uryangqadai brought them to the temporary quarter. (The emperor) sent Nur ud-Din to carry this message (to Quang Bính): "In the past, I sent envoys to establish good relations with you, but you detained them and would not let them return, that is why last year I had to dispatch troops against you. Later seeing that your ruler had fled into the wilderness, I sent two envoys to invite him to submit peacefully. But then you bounded them and sent them back. Now I specially send an envoy to convey my wishes. If you sincerely wish to submit, then your king must come in person, if you still do not repent, then clearly make a statement of this to me." Quang Bính said: "If our small country sincerely serves the emperor, then how would you Great State treat us?" Nur ud-Din returned and reported this. At that time, the prince Buqa (不花) was stationing in Yunnan, Uryangqadai reported this situation to the prince, who then sent Nur ud-Din back with a message calling for Quang Bính to send an envoy to travel to the court (with Nur ud-Din). Quang Bính then submitted and said: "I will await the message from (the emperor) and would send my clan as a hostage." The prince (Buqa) ordered Nur ud-Din to travel to the court via the courrier system to report this to the emperor.
(Thank you Dr. Yun for his precious assistance to translate this passage)
世祖中統元年十二月，以孟甲為禮部郞中，充南諭使，李文俊為禮部員外郞，充副使，持詔往諭之。其略曰：「祖宗以武功創業，文化未修。朕纘承丕緒，鼎新革故，務一萬方。適大理國守臣安撫聶只陌丁馳馹表聞，爾邦有嚮風慕義之誠。念卿昔在先朝已嘗臣服，遠貢方物，故頒詔旨，諭爾國官僚士庶：凡衣冠典禮風俗一依本國舊制。已戒邊將不得擅興兵甲，侵爾疆埸，亂爾人民。卿國官僚士庶，各宜安治如故。」復諭甲等，如交趾遣子弟入覲，當善視之，毋致寒暑失節，重勞苦之也。
In the first Zhongtong year of the reign of emperor Shizu (Qubilai), the twelfth month, (the emperor) appointed Mengjia (孟甲) to be Minister of Rites and , Li Wenjun to be..., and led them bring an imperial edict (to the Trần ruler). The decree could be summarized as followed: "My ancestors had established our reigns through martial deeds, yet our literary virtues had not been cultivated . I inherited such a vast achievement and I wish discard the olds and change the news (?). I am determined to unite all lands. Recently, Neǰim ud-Din used the courier system to transfer your message, saying that your country wished to be enlightened and followed the right cause. I have taken into consideration the fact that your country has submitted during the reign of the former emperor (here means Möngkä) and that you has sent tribute from far away. I therefore passed this edict down to all officials and commoners in your country: All clothings and caps, rites and (local) customers shall be preserved according to the old system (?). I had instructed all commanders at the border to not attacking and invading your territories as well as harassing your people. All officials and commoners of your country could peacefully live as before." The emperor instructed Mengjia as well as others to greet them with respect and do not alternate their attitudes if the Giao Chỉ ruler send his clan to the court."
(3) Supplement 3: Annal of Trần, The reign of emperor Trần Nhân Tông:
十二月十二日，元將兀良合䚟〈多改切〉犯平厲源。帝自將督戰，前冒矢石。官軍少却，帝顧左右，惟黎輔陳〈即黎秦〉單騎出入賊陣，顔色自若。時有勸帝駐驛視戰者。輔陳力諫曰：「今陛下特一孤注耳，宜避之，豈可輕信人言哉。」帝於是退次瀘江，輔陳為殿。賊兵亂射，輔陳以舟板翼之，得免。虜勢甚盛，又退保天幕江，從帝議及機密，人鮮有知之者。帝御小舟，就太尉日皎船問計。日皎方靠船，坐不能起，惟以手指點水，寫入宋二字於船舷。帝問星罡軍何在〈星罡日皎所領軍〉，對曰：「徵不至矣。」帝即移舟問太師陳守度。對曰：「臣首未至地，陛下無煩他慮。」
In December the twelfth, the Yuan general Uryangqadai invaded Bình Lệ Nguyên (平厲源). The emperor personally supervised the battle and advanced through arrows and stones. The army was slightly wavering. The emperor looked to the left and right, seeing that only Lê Phụ Trần (Lê Tần) moving back and forth amidst the enemy formation, whose face remain calm as if nothing has happened. At that moment, someone advised the emperor to halt his horse to command the army. Phụ Trần: "Now your Majesty should not commit total force in this battle, we should evade them, how could you so easily trust their advice." The emperor therefore retreat to the Lô river (瀘江), with Phụ Trận guarding the rear. The enemy furiously shot arrows, Phụ Trần used (wooden) plank taken from the boat to shield the emperor, thus he was safe. The enemy force was very powerful, (the emperor) retreated to defend the Thiên Mạc river, Phụ Trần followed him to take counsel on secret matters, very few people knew about it. The emperor rowed his boat to the Grand Commandant (Trần) Nhật Hiệu's boat to consult strategy. Nhật Hiệu leaned on his boat, he could only sit but could not stand. He dipped his finger into the water, and wrote two words "entering Song (here means Song dynasty)" on the sides of the boat. The emperor asked where was the Tỉnh Cương army (the army that Nhật Hiệu commanded), Nhật Hiệu replied that: "They could not come." The emperor then rode to the Grand Preceptor Trần Thủ Độ. Thủ Độ said that: "As long as my head do not fall, Your Majesty do not have to worry about other things."(I)
(I) The inscription written on the epitaph of princess Phụng Dương (奉陽公主神道碑銘) wrote about the Grand Preceptor Trần Thủ Độ as followed:
甲申冬，北虜南寇， 太師上船避賊，夜半舟中失火。時太師睡寢，公主疑是賊來，微警，授之以牌，且以身蔽。古之馮婦，蔑以加此。此公主明於義勇也。
Jiashen winter (1284), the northern enemy invaded the South, the Grand Preceptor (Trần Thủ Độ) board a boat to evade the enemy. Midnight, there was a fire on the boat. At that time the Grand Preceptor was still sleeping, the princess suspected that enemy had come, she silently waked up the Grand Preceptor, handing him a shield and using her body to cover him. The ancient Feng Fu could not do any better than that. This is the courage and righteous action of the princess.
Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư, Annal Trần dynasty, reign of emperor Trần Nhân Tông chép tiếp:
史臣吳士連曰：日皎同姓大臣，冦至怯驛，無扞禦之策，又導其君以出寓之方，將焉用彼相哉。
The historian Ngô Sĩ Liên commented: "Nhật Hiệu bore the same name as the emperor, yet when the enemy came he was so frightened that he could not think of any way to resist the enemy. He even told the emperor to escape, what use would he ever be?"
二十四日，帝及太子御樓船，進軍東步頭逆戰，大破之。元軍遁㱕，至㱕化寨。寨主何俸招集蛮人襲擊，又大破之。時元人新取雲南，游兵畧之，無攻取意，當時謂之仸賊。賊退，賜俸侯爵。
On the twenty-forth day, the emperor and the crown prince rode on tower ships and led the army advance to Đông Bộ Đầu (東步頭) to fight back the enemy. They were defeated. The Yuan army fled to Quy Hóa outpost, their commander Hà Bổng (何俸) gathered his (barbarian) people and attack them, they were defeated again. At that time, the Yuan had only just conquered Yunnan (雲南), their scouting parties just came to raid without having any intention to conquer (our country). They were called buddhist enemy. After the enemy retreated, (the emperor) bestowed the Marquis title on Hà Bổng.
3.八年戊午二月，日煚傳國于長子光昺，改元紹隆。夏，光昺遣其壻與其國人以方物來見，兀良合台送詣行在所，別遣訥剌丁往諭之曰：「昔吾遣使通好，爾等執而不返，我是以有去年之師。以爾國主播在草野，復令二使招安還國，爾又縛還吾使。今特遣使開諭，如爾等矢心內附，則國主親來，若猶不悛，明以報我。」光昺曰：「小國誠心事上，則大國何以待之？」訥剌丁還報。時諸王不花鎮雲南，兀良合台言于王，復遣訥剌丁往諭，使遣使偕來。光昺遂納款，且曰：「俟降德音，卽遣子弟為質。」王命訥剌丁乘傳入奏。
In the eighth year (1258), second month, Nhật Cảnh (日煚) passed the throne to his oldest son Quang Bính (光昺) and changed the reign name to Thiệu Long (紹隆). In the summer, Quang Bính sent his son in law, his (other) countrymen together with a tribute of local products to the court, Uryangqadai brought them to the temporary quarter. (The emperor) sent Nur ud-Din to carry this message (to Quang Bính): "In the past, I sent envoys to establish good relations with you, but you detained them and would not let them return, that is why last year I had to dispatch troops against you. Later seeing that your ruler had fled into the wilderness, I sent two envoys to invite him to submit peacefully. But then you bounded them and sent them back. Now I specially send an envoy to convey my wishes. If you sincerely wish to submit, then your king must come in person, if you still do not repent, then clearly make a statement of this to me." Quang Bính said: "If our small country sincerely serves the emperor, then how would you Great State treat us?" Nur ud-Din returned and reported this. At that time, the prince Buqa (不花) was stationing in Yunnan, Uryangqadai reported this situation to the prince, who then sent Nur ud-Din back with a message calling for Quang Bính to send an envoy to travel to the court (with Nur ud-Din). Quang Bính then submitted and said: "I will await the message from (the emperor) and would send my clan as a hostage." The prince (Buqa) ordered Nur ud-Din to travel to the court via the courrier system to report this to the emperor.
(Thank you Dr. Yun for his precious assistance to translate this passage)
世祖中統元年十二月，以孟甲為禮部郞中，充南諭使，李文俊為禮部員外郞，充副使，持詔往諭之。其略曰：「祖宗以武功創業，文化未修。朕纘承丕緒，鼎新革故，務一萬方。適大理國守臣安撫聶只陌丁馳馹表聞，爾邦有嚮風慕義之誠。念卿昔在先朝已嘗臣服，遠貢方物，故頒詔旨，諭爾國官僚士庶：凡衣冠典禮風俗一依本國舊制。已戒邊將不得擅興兵甲，侵爾疆埸，亂爾人民。卿國官僚士庶，各宜安治如故。」復諭甲等，如交趾遣子弟入覲，當善視之，毋致寒暑失節，重勞苦之也。
In the first Zhongtong year of the reign of emperor Shizu (Qubilai), the twelfth month, (the emperor) appointed Mengjia (孟甲) to be Minister of Rites and , Li Wenjun to be..., and led them bring an imperial edict (to the Trần ruler). The decree could be summarized as followed: "My ancestors had established our reigns through martial deeds, yet our literary virtues had not been cultivated . I inherited such a vast achievement and I wish discard the olds and change the news (?). I am determined to unite all lands. Recently, Neǰim ud-Din used the courier system to transfer your message, saying that your country wished to be enlightened and followed the right cause. I have taken into consideration the fact that your country has submitted during the reign of the former emperor (here means Möngkä) and that you has sent tribute from far away. I therefore passed this edict down to all officials and commoners in your country: All clothings and caps, rites and (local) customers shall be preserved according to the old system (?). I had instructed all commanders at the border to not attacking and invading your territories as well as harassing your people. All officials and commoners of your country could peacefully live as before." The emperor instructed Mengjia as well as others to greet them with respect and do not alternate their attitudes if the Giao Chỉ ruler send his clan to the court."
